남아프리카공화국 극우조직 백인우월주의자인 유진 테러블랜치 피살

 

                                                          Eugene Terreblanche was reportedly hacked to death on his farm

남아프리카공화국의 극우조직 지도자로 대표적인 백인우월주의자인 유진 테러블랜치(69)가 임금 체불 관련 시비 끝에 3일(현지시각) 피살됐다. 현지 사파(SAPA) 통신은 경찰의 말을 인용해 테러블랜치가 이날 밤 남아공 북서쪽 벤테르스도르프에 있는 자신의 농장에서 자신이 고용했던 노동자 2명에게 살해됐다고 보도했다.

   경찰은 그를 살해한 혐의로 21살 남성 1명과 15살 소년 1명을 체포했으며 용의자들은 과거 농장에서 일한 임금을 받지 못해 그와 말다툼을 벌였다고 진술했다고 밝혔다.

   테러블랜치는 머리와 얼굴에 상처를 입고 숨진 채 그의 침대에서 발견됐다.

   테러블랜치는 남아공 극우조직 '아프리카너(네덜란드계 토착 백인) 저항운동'(AWB)를 이끌면서 백인만의 국가를 건설하고 흑인에게는 임시 노동자 자격만 부여할 것을 주장해왔다. 그는 2001년 흑인 경비원을 공격한 혐의로 수감됐다 2004년 석방됐으며 AWB가 2년 전 활동을 재개한 것과는 달리 공식행사에 모습을 잘 드러내지 않았었다.

   테러블랜치의 피살은 지난주 집권당인 아프리카민족회의(ANC) 청년회 지도자인 줄리우스 말레마가 "보어(아프리카너)를 살해하라"라는 가사가 담긴 노래를 부르면서 최근 흑ㆍ백 간 긴장이 고조되는 가운데 발생한 것이다.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Obituary: Eugene Terreblanche

Eugene Terreblanche was reportedly hacked to death on his farm The very name of South African paramilitary leader Eugene Terreblanche highlighted the white supremacist's roots. Terreblanche means "white earth" in French, the language of the politician's Huguenot ancestors. His murder - reportedly being hacked to death with a panga on his farm - brings a gory end to a singularly ineffectual political career. Terreblanche, who was 69, and his Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (Afrikaner Resistance Movement - AWB) came to prominence in the early 1980s. At the time, the government of PW Botha was considering a constitutional plan allowing South Africa's Asian and coloured (mixed-race) minorities to vote for racially-segregated parliamentary chambers. For the likes of Terreblanche, this was the start of the slippery slope towards democracy, communism, black rule and the destruction of the Afrikaner nation. Claiming on occasion to be a cultural organisation - albeit one with sidearms and paramilitary uniforms - Terreblanche and his men promised to fight for the survival of the white tribe of Africa. 'The leader' Their political heartland was in Ventersdorp - a decaying farming town amid the maize fields some 150km (100 miles) west of Johannesburg. From that base, the AWB established cells, mostly among the Afrikaans farmers in the north of the country - though occasionally Terreblanche would venture into urban Afrikaans communities to hold a public meeting. "The leader" - as followers invariably called him - would arrive flanked by members of his black-clad inner circle, the Iron Guard. The Afrikaner Resistance Movement came to prominence in the 1980s "Cover him," an Estuary English accent would bark - the voice of Iron Guard commander Keith Conroy, the former British soldier reputed to speak barely a word of Afrikaans. Terreblanche's thunderous voice and magnificent style of delivery - alternating between roar and husky whisper, with gestures to match - helped to disguise the complete meaninglessness of what he was saying. His oratory would sweep from the plight of white farmers, to ancient Greek philosophy, to the state of the Soviet Union, without any apparent logic. Terreblanche seemed to walk a tightrope between racist menace and national joke. The occasion when he tumbled off his horse during one of his own military parades saw him fall down very heavily on the side of the joke - and that was before the embarrassment of the Jani Allen affair. UK news reports had alleged that Ms Allen - a South African journalist - had had an affair with Terreblanche. Ms Allen sued for libel - and lost. Throughout the court case, South Africans were treated to daily reports involving such details as the leader's torn green underpants, as seen through a keyhole by a witness. Invasion Yet as the 1994 elections approached, fears of a white right-wing militant backlash seemed more and more real. AWB members detonated bombs in urban locations, including one at Johannesburg's main airport - a terror campaign for which Terreblanche later accepted moral responsibility. In another grand gesture, AWB fighters barged an armoured vehicle through the plate-glass doors of a building where constitutional negotiations were in progress. But the AWB's most ambitious paramilitary exercise also proved to be its greatest humiliation. The movement took it upon itself to invade Bophuthatswana - one of the nominally independent "homelands" which the apartheid government had set up in a gesture towards black self-determination. The image of three khaki-clad AWB fighters shot dead by Bophuthatswana's soldiers seemed to spell the end of any hopes the AWB may have had of seizing power by force. About the same time, much of the AWB's political thunder was stolen by Constand Viljoen - a former head of the South African Defence Force who had left the political establishment after he felt it was drifting leftwards. The quietly-spoken General Viljoen became the respectable face of the far right, preaching segregation rather than supremacism, and prepared to enter negotiations with the ANC over the possibility of setting up a small autonomous Afrikaner homeland. The general's pragmatic approach won the support of right-wingers who were embarrassed by the antics of Terreblanche and others, and who were fast coming to terms with the fact that continued white domination of South Africa was a practical impossibility. Bowing to the inevitable In 1995 South African towns, which had always been segregated into white and black municipalities, voted for the first time for unified local authorities. On voting day in Ventersdorp, Terreblanche and armed bodyguards put in a brief appearance - then retreated to their farms, leaving the town to vote in peace. By now, even members of the Conservative Party, ultra right-wing by any normal standards, had accepted that white town councillors would have to bow to the inevitable and share a council chamber with black delegates - even with a young communist mayor who lived in a tin shack. Voters expressed relief that Ventersdorp might now cease to be a national laughing stock. Terreblanche's conviction and jail sentence for assault provide the proof that he was a man capable of considerable cruelty. But they also put the lid on any further speculation that his exaggerated posturing may have any lasting influence on South Africa's political history. When he was released on parole after serving three years of his sentence, he mounted his trusty black horse Attila after his release from prison. In that moment, he showed that he was still as much a master of the grand gesture as he had been throughout his ineffectual political career.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3797797.stm

 

Terreblanche's surrender The South African white supremacist leader, Eugene Terreblanche, surrendered to police on Thursday to serve time for an assault conviction - but he was determined not to come quietly. Decked out from head to toe in black, and serenaded by a band dressed in paramilitary uniforms, Terreblanche arrived astride a black horse. The crowd surrounded the right-wing leader The sign reads "ET did not commit murder but Winnie did! Where's justice?" Terreblanche kisses his steed, Ralph Police escort Terreblanche to Potchefstroom prison A supporter takes exception to the one-year jail term Juan Visser, 3, plays with a toy gun among supporters

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http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/696315.stm