Asia-Pacific Region Intelligence Center
클린턴 힐러리, ‘미, 이스라엘에 확고한 방위공약’ 본문
클린턴 힐러리, ‘미, 이스라엘에 확고한 방위공약’
CIA bear 허관(許灌) 2009. 3. 4. 16:45취임 후 처음으로 이스라엘을 방문한 미국의 힐러리 클린턴 국무장관이 이스라엘의 안보에 대한 미국의 확고한 공약을 재확인했습니다. 클린턴 장관은 이스라엘과 팔레스타인 간의 분쟁 해결방안으로 2국가 체제를 강력하게 추진하겠다고 밝혔습니다.
클린턴 장관은 3일 이스라엘의 시몬 페레스 대통령과 만난 자리에서 영토와 국민이 로케트 공격을 받는데 가만히 있을 나라는 없다며 팔레스타인 가자지구에서 이스라엘로 발사되는 로케트 공격이 중단돼야 한다고 말했습니다.
클린턴 장관은 이스라엘의 치피 리브니 외무장관과도 만나 이란의 위협에 대해 논의했다며, 이란이 핵무기를 획득하지 못하도록 하는 것이 미국과 이스라엘 두 나라의 공동 목표임을 확인했다고 밝혔습니다.
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Joint Press Conference with Vice Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Tzipi Livni and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you very much. I’m delighted to be back here at the Foreign Ministry and to be hosted by the Foreign Minister. As with all my previous visits to Israel, going back nearly 30 years, I feel very welcomed by the Israeli people. And I appreciate now the opportunity to have this first visit as Secretary of State of my country, representing our new President, and to discuss with officials and friends some of the very challenging issues – a full, broad array of them – based on our close relationship. I was privileged to start my day with President Peres, and then to pay a visit to Yad Vashem to once again pay tribute to those who lost their lives in the Holocaust. My visit was a powerful reminder, as it always is, of why we are working so hard to advance the peace and security of the State of Israel. As I said this morning, President Obama and I believe that the bond between the United States and Israel, and our commitment to Israel’s security and to its democracy as a Jewish state, remains fundamental, unshakable, and eternally durable. We had a very productive discussion today, and it was broad-ranging. We discussed, among many other things, our common commitment to a two-state solution as part of a comprehensive, secure peace with Israelis, Palestinians, and the Arab neighbors. We talked about the steps that the minister has pursued and what could be done when there is a new government in place. The first step right now, not waiting for a new government, is a durable ceasefire. But that can only be achieved if Hamas ceases the rocket attacks. No nation should be expected to sit idly by and allow rockets to assault its people and its territories. These attacks must stop and so must the smuggling of weapons into Gaza. These activities put innocent lives of Israelis and Palestinians at risk and undermine the well-being of the people of Gaza. As we move forward, we will work together – along with the international community – to address the humanitarian needs in Gaza. We believe we can also work together to further the obligations that were entered into by the Palestinian Authority under President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad, and help pave the way for a viable Palestinian state that can be independent, accountable, and live at peace. That is the message that I brought to the Gaza donors conference, along with a pledge that the United States will be vigorously engaged in the pursuit of a two-state solution every step of the way. Our Special Envoy Senator Mitchell is here with me today. He will be back soon, once there is a government formed. The road ahead, we acknowledge, is a difficult one but there is no time to waste. The Foreign Minister and I also discussed Iran. We share Israel’s concerns about Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons and its continued financing of terrorist organizations like Hamas and Hizbullah. As we conduct our policy review and consider areas where we might be able to productively engage with Iran, we will stay in very close consultation with our friends here in Israel, with the neighbors of Iran in the region and beyond with those countries that understand what a threat Iran poses today, and what a greater threat it would pose were it ever to be successful in its pursuit of nuclear weapons. As I pledge again today, and as President Obama has said, we will do everything necessary to ensure Israel’s security now and into the future. I will later today meet with the Prime Minister-designate, with the Defense Minister, and with the Prime Minister, and will be engaging with them on a full range of the issues that we – both of our countries – care so much about. We believe that working together as friends and partners with patient, determined, persevering diplomacy, we can help advance the cause of peace and security here in Israel and throughout the region. So again, Madame Minister, thank you so much for hosting me here today. FOREIGN MINISTER LIVNI: It is an honor for us, for all of us, to welcome you to Israel. Secretary Clinton is a good friend of Israel, and has shown a deep understanding of the needs of Israel, an understanding of the nature of the threats that we have here in the region. You have shown this kind of friendship and understanding in every position you held in the past. There is a new administration in the United States of America and, of course, a new government in Israel that is going to be formed during the next few days. But it is not less important to reiterate and to emphasize that the relationship between Israel and the United States of America is based on shared values, and an understanding of the common interests, the threats and the ways to confront and to meet these challenges together. This transcends parties and governments, and is based on an understanding of the nature of the values. The United States of America is the leader of the free world. It leads the necessary battles against extremism, representing the same values that are the basic values of the United States of America. And Israel is proud to represent these values here in the Middle East. On the basis of these shared values and the need to fight anti-Semitism, I would like to express not only the government's appreciation but the appreciation of the people of Israel to the stand that you took against participation in the Durban conference. This demonstrates the values of the United States of America. It was a symbolic decision, and I hope to see more states following this decision. And I would like to thank you personally for this. We have Hamas within the Palestinian Authority that controls the Gaza Strip and targets Israel on a daily basis. Israel is working according to this dual strategy, on the one hand, to confront terrorism. When the State of Israel is being targeted, part of our responsibility as a government, any government, is to fight back and to use military force when necessary in the Gaza Strip. on the other hand, there is a need, not less important, to continue the peace process between Israel and the legitimate Palestinian government, according to the vision of two states for two peoples. This vision represents the interests of Israel and the values of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state and, at the end of the day, represents the idea of living together in peace in this region. Since a new government in Israel is going to be formed, I'm sure that part of the process is going to be to sit together, to share our evaluation of the situation in the region - not only the nature of the threats but what should be done in order to address them. In this shared policy, l believe that it is not only about sharing the same values but also a basic understanding of what needs to be done in order to address the threats and the challenges in the region. We have had a very fruitful and enlightening discussion up till now, and thank you.
Could we ask you also, Secretary Clinton, whether those red lines were presented to you? And could we also ask whether the Obama Administration has expressed a willingness, or is willing, to give up the deployment of missile defense in Eastern Europe if Russia is helpful in persuading Iran to back down on any nuclear ambitions? SECRETARY CLINTON: We had a very broad discussion about Iran, and we will continue those discussions. There is an understanding that we share about the threat that Iran poses. We intend to do all that we can to deter and to prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons. That is our stated policy. That is the goal of any tactic that we employ. When we talk about engagement with Iran, do not be in any way confused. Our goal remains the same: to dissuade and prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons and continuing to fund terrorism. It happens to be a goal that is shared not only with Israel, but with many countries that view Iran through the same prism that we do. And as President Obama has said in his inaugural address, we will stretch out our hand to any country that unclenches its fist. But that is yet to be seen. Whatever we do will be done thoughtfully, in consultation with our friends and allies – most particularly Israel. With respect to Russia, we are at the beginning of our engagement with Russia on behalf of this new government. I had a chance to meet briefly yesterday at Sharm el-Sheikh with the Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. I will be meeting with him at length in Geneva on Friday night. We have a very broad agenda also. What we have said specifically in regard to missile defense in Europe is that it has always been intended to deter any missile that might come from Iran. That’s been our stated position. That was the stated position previously and it remains our position. We have explained that to the Russians before. When I say we, I mean the American Government. And we continue to believe that we have to take all steps necessary to protect ourselves, our friends, our allies, from a potential aggressive action in the future from Iran. But there’s a broad agenda to discuss with the Russians, and we’re going to be starting that on Friday. FOREIGN MINISTER LIVNI: I would like to add on the Iranian issue. It’s not about red lines, but it’s about sharing the same perspective about the nature of the threat and how to deal with it. But it is not less important to understand that Iran is not only the problem of Israel. This is a global threat. And I’m sure that Secretary Clinton, coming from Egypt right now after hearing the perspectives of other states in the region, including other Muslim and Arab states, understands today that they feel that Iran is the real enemy and not Israel any more. And they feel that Iran tried to undermine their own regimes. Iran works with radical elements within their own states, and Iran represents an ideology which is not solvable. It’s not a conflict on borders or something; it’s an extreme religious ideology that tries to deprive us of our rights. And it’s not only about Israel living in peace in the region, but about the entire region. And nobody – really nobody wants to see Iran getting a nuclear weapon. So this is the basic understanding in the world. Secondly, there is an understanding that time is of the essence. While we are talking here, Iran is continuing and to pursue nuclear weapons in order to give expression to its horrific ideology. So there is an understanding that time is of the essence. Clearly, there is another understanding that sanctions are effective, but they were not effective enough, because unfortunately, the need to have a consensus with the entire international community led to some compromises in the past about the nature of the sanctions. The United States of America is the leader of the free world, and, according to its understanding that Iran is a global problem and a global threat, is going to take all the necessary steps in order to address this threat - in accordance with the interest not only of Israel, but the basic interest of the United States of America. And on this, we have a shared interest. QUESTION: Secretary Clinton, we heard in more than one occasion from you statements regarding the determination of the Administration to go along the lines of the two-state solution, earlier this morning, twice or three times. Do you anticipate there would be clashes or disagreements or tensions with the new administration in Israel? It’s no secret that for Benjamin Netanyahu, a two-state solution is not part of his agenda. So what do you expect the relations be on that issue? And I’d really appreciate a comment on that, too, from Minister Livni since this is probably one of the reasons she is not joining the government. SECRETARY CLINTON: We look forward to working with the new government when it is formed. Obviously, its formation is up to the people of Israel. The United States, regardless of our political party in the White House or in the Congress, has always worked and supported the government and the people of Israel, and we intend to continue doing so. Now, that doesn’t mean that as good friends, which we are, we might not have opinions that we will express from time to time. And certainly, having been on the receiving end, I know that Israel is not shy about expressing opinions about our policies. I think that that’s the nature of our relationship. I think that’s one of the reasons why it is so dynamic and vibrant, is we are two vigorous democracies that have a broad range of opinions within our countries and between our countries. But that doesn’t go to the fundamental alliance that we have, which stands the test of governments coming and going, and parties, and particular policies. It is our assessment, as I expressed yesterday and again today, that eventually the inevitability of working toward a two-state solution seems inescapable. That doesn’t mean that we don’t respect the opinions of others who see it differently. But from my perspective, and from the perspective of the Obama Administration, time is of the essence on a number of issues, not only on the Iranian threat. We happen to believe that moving toward the two-state solution, step by step, is in Israel’s best interest. But obviously, it’s up to the people and the government of Israel to decide how to define your interests. FOREIGN MINISTER LIVNI: Thank you. I would like to answer to this in Hebrew. [translation] Before I answer the question, I’d like to wish the next Israeli administration the best of success. I hope and believe that Israel and the United States will enjoy good relations based on mutual understanding, longstanding friendship, shared values, and a grasp of the interests in the region. Regarding the question of two nation states for two peoples, this should be viewed not as a slogan but as an essence. I see it as meaning that the process culminating in two national states represents, first and foremost, the basic interests and existential needs of the State of Israel, as the national home of the Jewish people and also as a democratic nation. This must dictate the actions of anyone wishing to preserve these two values and let them coexist without clashing. Anyone who thinks that the existential threats in the region need to form the foundation of a political approach should imagine to themselves what would happen if the idea of two national states would suddenly be taken off the table, leaving there, perhaps, only one idea – the idea of one state between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River, in which all citizens will have equal voting rights. We have to understand not only what we’re supporting but also what our other options are. Choosing the best option does not always mean what the absolutely best option would be in a perfect world. We have to choose the best option out of the options that are available to us. We have to choose the option that is the most correct and the one that represents as far as possible the interests of the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. So I consider supporting the idea of two states for two peoples as being worthy not because it’s best for the US, the international community or the Palestinians, but rather because it’s the only way for us to solve the national conflict in our region, and the most correct way to safeguard Israel’s interests. Besides that, I believe in Israel’s ability and need to take action against terror. I believe that force needs to be used against Hamas in Gaza, and that dialogue with Hamas must not be entered into, whether directly or indirectly. A terrorist organization should not be granted legitimization in any form. When we are fired upon, we need to react harshly, even today, and certainly after the rocket that was fired on the school in Ashkelon. But at the same time, to leave room for hope - not for the Palestinians, but for us - and to make it possible for the international community to support us when we act against terror, and to enable us to enlist the support of the international community for the sake of taking joint action against the various threats, even the Iranian threat, Israel’s interests mandate that this peace process continue. That’s what I believe, and I have conducted myself accordingly throughout these past years since I entered politics, and especially since I was appointed Foreign Minister. In my understanding, this should be the approach of every Israeli administration, and this is the view I presented to the designated prime minister. QUESTION: My question is actually to both of you, but first to Secretary Clinton. Yesterday in Sharm el-Sheikh, the UN Secretary General, European leaders and others appealed to Israel to open border crossings into Gaza. The United States obviously just announced a $900 million aid package for Gaza, and there was questions raised: How does that aid get to the people who need it without open borders? I wonder whether you raised that issue in the spirit of friends offering an opinion to a friend in your meeting with the minister. And if so, Minister Livni, what did you say to the Secretary about it? SECRETARY CLINTON: I think that clearly the humanitarian needs in Gaza are ones that we all are attempting to alleviate. In our discussions, the Foreign Minister pointed out that consistent with security, they are trying to do what they can to facilitate the transit of humanitarian goods. It doesn’t help to have the rockets start up again. That is the double reality that we’re facing here. We have a humanitarian challenge in Gaza with a lot of innocent Palestinians in need of the help that could be provided, and Hamas decides to continue to rain rockets down on Israel. Yesterday, in my remarks and the remarks that I made afterwards at the press event, I pointed out that it’s very difficult to solve this dilemma when Israel is still under physical attack. I certainly would appeal to the rocket launchers and their patrons to enter into a durable ceasefire and permit the humanitarian aid to flow. At the same time, we know that the smuggling continues. We know there are certainly lots of items getting into Gaza, and there has to be a real concerted effort to try to cut off the smuggling of weapons, including rockets and other offensive weapons. But I know that the Government of Israel and certainly the foreign minister share our concern about the humanitarian needs and are looking for a way to facilitate even greater delivery of necessary goods. FOREIGN MINISTER LIVNI: I would like to add clearly that the crossings are open for humanitarian needs. The crossings are not closed for humanitarian needs. Israel is not trying to punish the population in Gaza Strip. We are acting against Hamas, since this is a terrorist organization, which, in a way, is abusing the fact that it controls the civilian population in order to target Israel, and in order to win legitimacy from the international community. As I said before, the only way to address the challenges in the region is to understand that Hamas represents the extremists in the region. They are not fighting for the legitimate rights of the Palestinians. They are not fighting for the establishment of the future state of Palestine, but are trying to act according to their own ideology of resistance, of acting against anyone who lives in the region not according to their own ideology. So when it comes to the population – Israel has worked with United States of America before the donors conference in Sharm el-Sheikh, we are working with the international community in order to help the population as long as it comes through the PA, the legitimate Palestinian Authority, or through international organizations, directly to the people, and doesn’t legitimize Hamas in one way or another. There is another thing which is important for us, and it is related to the crossings – not to the humanitarian aid, but to something that Hamas wants to happen from its own political perspective. Hamas wants the crossings to be open normally in order to have a kind of mini-state, Hamastan, in the Gaza Strip controlled by them. From our perspective, this must be connected to the fact that Gilad Shalit, the Israeli abducted soldier, has not yet been released, and secondly, to the agreement between Israel, the PA, the United States, Europe from 2005. QUESTION: Madame Secretary, do you intend to send any of your officials from here to Damascus, perhaps? And if you do so, what’s on the agenda? And even if you do not, do you see any possibility for real progress on the Israeli-Palestinian track without any active, real progress with the Syrians? Thank you. SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you. We are going to be sending two officials to Syria. There are a number of issues that we have between Syria and the United States, as well as the larger regional concerns that Syria obviously poses. As you know, there have been a number of members of the United States Congress who have gone to Damascus in the last weeks and months, and we had an occasion a week ago to call in the ambassador from Syria. Yes, we’re going to dispatch a representative of the State Department and a representative of the White House to explore with Syria some of these bilateral issues. We have no way to predict what the future with our relations concerning Syria might be. Again, we don’t engage in discussions for the sake of having a conversation. There has to be a purpose to them. There has to be some perceived benefit accruing to the United States and our allies and our shared values. But I think it is a worthwhile effort to go and begin these preliminary conversations. With respect to the Syria track, again, that will be a matter that once there is a government in Israel, it will be on the agenda that both Senator Mitchell and I have with the new government. FOREIGN MINISTER LIVNI: Thank you. |
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